published in Eastern Economist #434, May 28, 2002
For anyone who thought marathon dancing was a slow form of
torture of poor Depression-era people, there’s a political marathon in the
Verkhovna Rada these last two weeks, unwinding like a bad movie from the early
years of talkies. You even have lots of funny-looking men running around like a
1920’s actor searching for his bow-lipped mistress in a hallway lined with
identical doors.
After
fighting to get back the right to observe their lawmakers in action on radio
and television, Ukrainians might be forgiven if they are less than thrilled to
watch those programs now.
Not
three months ago, Ukrainians very cleverly eliminated 16 of the 22 “parties”
balloting for spots in their legislature. They managed to off such wearing
folks as the Progressive Socialists led by Ms. Natalia “The Witch” Vitrenko and
the Greens under Mr. Vitaliy “Steelworks” Kononov. Not to mention a dozen shiny
new clubs filled with friends of Mr. Kuchma.
Given
that last time, in 1998, the VR wasted two entire months s/electing its
leadership, it seemed smart to reduce the number of different interest groups,
so that the horse-trading might go a bit faster.
So
far, though, two weeks are stretching into three, with very little serious
trading and no Speaker in sight.
The
most surprising – and disappointing – aspect of this bad movie is the
performance of Viktor Yushchenko. Some of what’s happening could be deliberate
efforts to discredit him. But too much of it is his own doing.
Here’s
the man most people in Ukraine, locals and foreigners alike, see as the Great
White Hope against a sea of Red Directors.
Here’s
the man who took over the National Bank of Ukraine in spring 1993 and gradually
transformed it into a reasonably respectable central bank. He pulled the
country through hyperiniflation by choking off massive currency emissions in
1994-5. He oversaw the introduction of a new national currency in 1996. And he
helped the country pull through a major financial shock in 1998 that
slaughtered the Russian rouble.
Now
Mr. Yushchenko can’t seem to get his priorities straight at all.
He
knew, when the count was in on April 1, that he had, at best, a moral mandate.
But he had one.
He
knew who his likely bedfellows would be. If not ZaYedU, all he was left with
were the Communists. There was no other group that could give him and his two
closest supporters a majority. So he had to put together a deal his rank and
file would accept.
He
also must have known that the longer the Speaker selection process went on, the
more likely that independents would drift over to his opponents. So he had to
put together a deal that would go through with very few hitches.
In
other words, Mr. Yushchenko had his work cut out for him.
But
that’s what he had to expect, as the leader of the first post-independence
political organization that is not tied to the past or to the president. And
even more so if he has any presidential aspirations.
So
what are all these wretched propositions that he keeps dragging out like
half-shorn sheep to the slaughter?
First
Mr. Yushchenko talks about voting for Mr. Lytvyn as Speaker. Then he talks
about voting for Communist Adam Martyniuk as Speaker. “Over my dead body,” says
82-year-old Mrs. Slava Stetsko, whose husband fought the communists with Stepan
Bandera.
Then
Mr. Yushchenko says, “Since we can’t get consensus on three candidates, let’s
try to put together a slate with 53 different posts at the same time. And for
good measure, let’s amend the Constitution.”
Next
there’s a vote and nearly 100 ballots disappear and Mr. Yushchenko and his
strange bedfellows are suddenly pointing fingers at each other and crying foul.
What
funny mushrooms has Mr. Yushchenko been served for breakfast?
Meanwhile,
Mr. Lytvyn is getting ruder. Mr. Medvedchuk is getting ruder. Mr. Zadorozhniy
is getting ruder. They’re just smoking cigarettes and watching Mr. Yushchenko
trip over his own shoelaces.
The
only things on Mr. Yushchenko’s side right now are democratic process and a big
chunk of the Ukrainian population. But if he fails to use the former
effectively and boldly, he will rapidly lose the latter.
If
Mr. Yushchenko thought Mr. Medvedchuk was a vengeful sort [see “A site to behold” RC #415)], then, in the person of Volodymyr Lytvyn, we are talking
about a fish of a much smellier sort.
Mr.
Lytvyn is a nebbish. Moreover, everybody knows it. But he’s also got the
personality of a pit bull, and he won’t let go of the Speaker position until a
tank runs over him. (Don’t anybody get any ideas, there!)
The
best way to deal with Mr. Lytvyn is to put him in, with two very smart, strong
and savvy people as his deputies. And to vote non-confidence in him as soon as
possible. “Out, damned silver-haired slimeball!”
Mr.
Yushchenko, get yourself some good advisors. No, let me rephrase that. Get
yourself one good advisor, preferrably not your old Rukh buddies, not your
charming wife, not some sleazy businessman, not a politician – if at all
possible.
Someone
outside the whole mess. Someone really sharp who really cares about this
country.
Then,
listen to him or her.
Really
listen.
And
do what is necessary to keep the faith of those who voted for you on Mar. 31. •
–from the
notebooks of Pan O.
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